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But the mayor of Philadelphia was black, and the police commissioner was black, and the police department was 33 percent black (the city is 42 percent black), and many of the shootings that activists questioned involved black officers. Asked about the fact that 80 percent of people shot by cops are black, Commissioner Ramsey told the press conference: “Well, about 85 percent of our homicide victims are African American.“White supremacy” gives you a rhetorical out: “Black cops are subject to the same training, culture and systemic pressures as their white counterparts,” Lauren Fleer of And beyond the front line of beat cops and detectives, a multiracial coterie of public officials — including Police Commissioner Charles Ramsey, Mayor Michael Nutter and Philadelphia District Attorney Seth Williams, and on up to the U. About 85 percent of people who do the homicide are African American. Listen, in case you haven’t noticed, I’m black myself, so I’m not real proud of the fact that we have a disproportionate amount of crime occurring in African American communities.” Translation: Blacks are shot at more because they commit most of the crimes — oh, and by the way, I’m black, so this statement can’t be racist.Our system of justice follows the principle described by Robert : Something is justly held if it was justly acquired.Just acquisition implies that the property was acquired from a just holder: no good arguing that you paid fair market price for stolen goods.Ramsey essentially plays “the race card,” but in reverse.The truth is that we don’t know who commits more crime because cops over-police black and Latino neighborhoods, while letting violations of the law slide in communities where whites are the majority.. A possible lack of sensitivity is not a sign of latent support for apartheid.That ’t mean that “white supremacy” as understood by Coates is anodyne — far from it — only that it is as omnipresent and inescapable as sickness and death, those other default settings to which, at the end of our days, we must invariably return.When Coates first published “The Case for Reparations,” I criticized it on the grounds that in the classical-liberal tradition — the Anglo-American tradition, as Sessions would rightly observe — we want our criminals and victims identified, and for good reason: That which is given in reparation is given to make someone whole at the expense of someone who is enjoying ill-gotten benefits.

The phrase “white supremacy” expresses an idea about white people, and the boundary line it draws in the intellectual and moral universe is between white people and everybody else.

There are two broad ways to understand the racial dynamic of the United States: One, as expressed by the words “white supremacy,” is that the racial fault lines of American society separate whites from everybody else.

The second, which seems to me closer to what Coates is actually talking about, is that the racial fault lines of American society separate blacks — specifically, the black descendants of slaves and those who were systematically and formally oppressed for many years after Emancipation — from everybody else. average, while certain socioeconomic heights are occupied by nonwhite minorities: The most educated group of U. citizens, as measured by undergraduate and advanced degrees, is Nigerian Americans, while the highest-earning Americans are of Indian origin.

(The contemporary Right has its own answers to that: globalists, elitists, etc.) Those master villains need to have two attributes: One, they must be rooted in sin, either the sin of greed (capitalism) or the sin of hatred, which is why “misogyny” gained currency over “patriarchy” and why some on the left have settled on “white supremacy” as an explanation for what ails black America rather than such traditional factors as poverty, which according to the rhetoric of the moment must be understood as yet another facet of white supremacy. If culpable racism is being perpetrated by culpable racists who, e.g., victimize African Americans by subjecting them to police abuses, then people of good will start to ask the obvious questions: That creates problems for the professional activist class — which is what “white supremacy” is all about as a rhetorical matter.

E.g.: Between 20, Philadelphia police shot 394 suspects, leading to claims of excessive force and, inevitably, excessive force used in a racially discriminatory manner. — oversees a criminal “justice” system where brutality and racism run rampant.

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